Paul from Paris

French president Sarkozy announced a scheme to promote learning English. Sarkozy has trouble with his native tongue and has a limited command of English. His scheme revolves around preschoolers and computers. It won’t work: French students tread water in language classes for years, never progressing towards measurable competence; and French language teaching adores abstraction and hidebound rules.

Le Monde accompanied its report of the presidential scheme with testimony from its readers and bloggers. Their comments are eye-opening. Where and how do French people learn English? Not in the classroom, in class; but at home, while watching “South Park” or “Friends,” reading Harry Potter, or listening to popular music.

On languages, Sarkozy turns out to be more a follower than a leader. What is really happening, today, in French society is more impressive than politicians’ vague hopes for the future. The photo above was taken at a Relay newsstand in a Paris train station. The display window promotes four titles. Remarkably, the books are available in French translation, and also in English. A close look will reveal two lessons: the English-language books are physically smaller than the French translations; and the English-language books are significantly cheaper than the French translations.

Louis XIV by Hyacinthe Rigaud (1701)

Louis XIV never actually said, “L’Etat, c’est moi” (I’m the State), according to historians. But the saying fits with the image we have of the absolute monarch. The saying has staying power.

Some say that French president Sarkozy has a Napoleon complex. I beg to differ: doesn’t Sarkozy instead have a Louis XIV complex?

In today’s France, don’t all discussions turn, sooner or later, to politics? And, when they do, doesn’t Sarkozy quickly take center stage?

At this point in Sarkozy’s presidency, the catalog of projects is becoming long: save the planet, get the scum (la racaille) out of troubled neighborhoods, refound finance on a sound moral foundation, encourage business growth, earn more by working more, ….

But here’s the paradox: as much as Sarkozy would like to stake a claim on reclaiming safe streets, returning to secure jobs, and generally righting wrongs everywhere, his record on actual accomplishment is thin. The State isn’t up to Sarkozy’s oversized ambitions.

Isn’t this as it should be? Isn’t modest government or limited government –keenly aware of its limitations, whether by design or in practice– preferable to a state that thinks itself up to mastering any challenge?

For a few brief months in 2004, Nicolas Sarkozy served as French finance minister. His tenure was as unremarkable as it was brief. Its highlight was probably the 30 August visit, to Sarkozy and his spouse Cécila, by actor Tom Cruise, in Paris to promote “Collateral”, the Michael Mann picture in which he starred.

No one seems to have briefed Sarkozy on “Collateral”. It’s a movie about a hit man (the role played by Cruise), on an all-night murderous rampage through Los Angeles.

Likewise, no one seems to have briefed Sarkozy today on how public opinion is likely to react when the French president talks of increasing taxes.

Sarkozy has been talking a lot about taxes lately. He wants to “find” 100 billion euros in the next three years. He wants to close loopholes (which, in France, are adorably named “niches fiscales“). He wants to increase the duration of retirement contributions, pushing back the retirement age. (This led to a call to strike tomorrow.)

Public opinion got the message, loud and clear. Most French people –a recent poll pegged the percentage at over 70%– think taxes will increase. Most French people –the same poll points to an ever greater share, above 80%– would prefer that any new taxes target “the rich” or banks.

What ever happened to economic growth?

Early in presidency, Sarkozy was known for inciting people “to work more to earn more” (travailler plus pour gagner plus). His slogan may have been demagogic and ambiguous, but it pointed towards growth at the possibility of growth.

Today, the main economic issue seems to be confidence, particularly a perceived lack of confidence. Financial markets, investors, consumers: all are said to lack confidence. Sarkozy and his finance minister multiply trips and talks, but markets and opinion don’t budge: confidence is still lacking.

Memo to Sarkozy: Show some constancy. When you abandon one policy (work more to earn more), you erode credibility on any policy. Talk of increasing taxes –big jumps, all sorts of taxes– only reinforces impressions of disorder in public finances and dark days ahead for the economy generally.

(photo uncredited, probably by French finance ministry staff)

French president Sarkozy said, “There is no doubt that the eurozone is going through the most serious crisis since its creation….We can’t let the euro fall. The euro is Europe and Europe is peace”.

That’s one way to see things. Maybe it’s the majority view, but there are others:

• The European Union is not a federal system. The full faith and credit of all EU member states do not back the debts of a single member state.
• The euro is a common currency. It is not a NATO-like pact for mutual defense.
• Having a common currency does limit members’ ability to do certain things, like printing money to settle debts. Markets also discipline states who do this. Member states retain an arsenal of measures to finance expenditures, including deficits.
• EU members in the eurozone accept to follow agreed rules on deficits and public indebtedness. EU members have repeatedly excused members’ failure to meet these requirements.
• All eurozone members issue sovereign (state) debt. Each pays a distinct interest rate: some higher, some lower than others. All universally accept this to be normal.
• Greece today faces higher interest rates than other eurozone members. This is a consequence of Greek deficit spending and a high level of indebtedness, neither of which resulted from exceptional circumstances or unexpected crises. There is no economic argument why Greece should be entitled to access credit at interest rates available to Germany, or France, or Italy.

When I was a young boy in America, every school room had an American flag, and every morning the class recited the pledge of allegiance. An American flag also flew outdoors, and I recall being part of the flag brigade that had the honor, at the end of every afternoon, of lowering and folding the flag, in accordance with a strict protocol.

Flags are everywhere in America, but almost nowhere in France. Only public buildings fly the flag, which tends to be weathered. When I tried to find a French flag, many years ago, the only place I could find one was a boating supply store.

Last October, Eric Besson, the French minister of Immigration and National Identity, opened a “great debate on the values of national identity” (with a web site). Maybe the debate was intended to focus public opinion, in the months leading to regional elections, on law-and-order and patriotic issues thought to favor conservatives. In other words, president Sarkozy wanted to claim the flag as his.

Prominent conservatives questioned the wisdom of holding such a debate at all. Opposition politicians uniformly and vocally criticized the proceedings. After a series of gaffes, the debate seemed to become a political liability for conservatives, and a drain on other initiatives. Prime minister François Fillon stepped in, congratulated participants, declared victory, and announced a few, very modest initiatives.

One of the initiatives involved putting flags in schools. Immigration and National Identity minister Eric Besson had proposed a flag in every classroom. This was scaled down to proposing a flag in every school.

This barren debate did shine some light on one of the oddest figures in French politics today: Immigration and National Identity minister Eric Besson. Born in Marrakech, Besson grew up in Morocco. Legend has it that, when he failed to win admission to the prestigious école nationale d’administration (ENA), Besson borrowed money from his grandmother, published an ad reading “I didn’t get into ENA!” in Le Monde, and landed a job with Renault. Drawn to politics, Besson rose to prominence in the labor party. After a messy argument with presidential candidate Ségolène Royal, Besson became a turncoat. He noisily left the labor party and teamed up with Nicolas Sarkozy. For this, Besson was rewarded with a ministerial portfolio. In addition to this public change, Besson made private changes too: he also divorced Sylvie Brunel, his wife of many years and mother of his children, and began a relationship with Yasmine Torjeman, a 22-year-old Tunisian.